Worked over article, originally published in: Changes
An International Journal of Psychology and Psychotherapy
(England), Vol. 12 (1994), No. 1, pp. 37-49. German
translation in: Psychologie und Gesellschaftskritik,
Vol. 18 (1992), No. 62, pp. 69-79.
Last update on December 19, 2015
Lehmann ( not related to J. F. Lehmann)
Publisher J. F. Lehmann as Promoter of Social Psychiatry under Fascism
Translated from the German original by Peter
Who is familiar with the role played by J. F. Lehmann and his
publishing house in the emergence of social psychiatry during
German fascism and its further development in today's psychiatric
system? What kind of ideology did this man stand for? Who were
his friends? Which ideologies are still at work today? Many readers
will not understand the significance of these questions. This
is largely due to the work of most medical historiansthe
German psychologist Hans L. Siemen (Siemen, 1982,1987) or the
US-American psychiatrist Peter Breggin (Breggin, 1993b) are exceptions;
normal historians placed the responsibility for the social-psychiatric
horrors in Germany primarily in the lap of Adolf Hitler and his
Nazis. In doing so they contributed little to expose the origins
of social psychiatry and its catalytic effect and perhaps decisive
precondition of the possibility for the Holocaust (Schmuhl, 2008,
p. 33) .
There is a difference between the eugenic orientation of early
social-psychiatric efforts and its modern variant. Today, social psychiatry can
be seen as an organisational structure of psychiatry, primarily dealing with early
detection of micro-political deviance, "case"-registration and psychopharmacologic
maintenance. By now, social psychiatry has shed the antisemitic views it espoused
earlier. However, it has not abandoned its genetic premise, merely de-emphasising
it in response to the current Zeitgeist
. The belief in the determining
influence of genetic factors is concealed in the "multifactorial" construct of
The current state of the art of social psychiatric practice elevates
the status of biochemical substances, in particular neuroleptic
drugs (so called "antipsychotic medications"). This in spite of
the fact that sufficient amounts of these substances used for
long enough periods exert a sterilising influence during the course
of their administration (P. Lehmann, 1993, pp. 91-172). Today's
social psychiatry presents itself in a similarly progressive fashion,
as it did during the eugenic era. An example of this is its critical
attitude towards institutional psychiatry, which appears to reflect
the current desire to cut costs. Beyond this, social psychiatry
advocates the use of (newly developed) depot substances in order
to "maintain" victims of psychiatry outside of institutions in
supervised ("supportive") settings and to exploit them in self-help
firms initiated by jobless former professionals.
In the meantime, these victims have remained
essentially unchanged: persons with unsettling ways of living and thinking, who
resist integration into living circumstances that are defined by market forces
(and consumption) and whose despair, refusal to communicate, persecutory feelings,
euphoria, death wishes, etc. have become subject to a systematic and "dear/expensive
lack of understanding" (Kempker, 1991). When we look at the context in which the
still widely respected Emil Kraepelin and his successors developed their program
of social psychiatry, it becomes obvious why modern social psychiatry has concealed
its racist, militaristic, antisemitic and nationalistic roots.
fascism and publishing
The confluence of psychiatry during the Weimar Republic with
the National Socialist movement was pre-programmed. Wherever people
started to promote psychiatric thinking, they also developed "social"
forms of intervention, which were politically motivated: for example,
sterilisation, castration and "euthanasia". This was not just
a German or Swiss phenomenon. Britain and the USA, influenced
by a rationalistic and paternalistic theory of science (Bergmann,
1988) were also affected by these developments. However, according
to Breggin, at that time Germany was seen as the psychiatrically
most progressive country (Breggin, 1974, p. 151). Marc Rufer,
a physician from Zurich, pointed to the participation of Swiss
psychiatrists like Eugen Bleuler and August Forel in the implementation
of social-psychiatric crimes during the Nazi era (Rufer, 1991;
1993). In 1936, Eugen
Bleuler had written:
"A not so easy question to be answered is whether it should
be allowed to destroy lives objectively 'unworthy of living'
without the expressed request of its bearers. (...) Even in
cases of people with incurable mental illnesses, who suffer
extremly from hallucinations or melancholic depressions and
seem to be unfit to handle their affairs, it should be the righ,
and in serious cases even the duty of my medical colleagues
to shorten the sufferingoften for many years" (p.
But beyond these efforts, one man deserves special mention for
the dissemination and translation of social psychiatric ideas:
Julius Friedrich Lehmann.
Long before 1933 psychiatrists
systematically developed and disseminated powerful ideas in order to encourage
their implementation among interest groups. However, the name J. F. Lehmann keeps
coming up among the promoters of social psychiatric interests throughout its early
years. Born in 1864 in Zurich as the fourth child of Dr Friedrich Lehmann and
his wife Friederike (née Spatz), both of German origin, Julius opened a publishing
house in 1890 in Munich, founded a medical book store and simultaneously became
the editor of the Münchener Medizinische Wochenschrift (Munich Medical
Weekly). J. F. Lehmann made sure that the unwritten rule of the MMW was
observed that "no Jew could be admitted to the editorial board" (J. F. Lehmanns
Verlag, 1940, p. 43). This clearly did not prevent any of the reputable "pure
bred" doctors gracing this journal with their contributions. Not only did J. F.
Lehmann consider his publications as "in the trenches", he also participated actively
in the political struggle. He worked on and publicised several racist nationalistic
organisations: The Thule Society, Society for Eugenics, Evangelic Association,
German People's Protection and Resistance Troop, Free-corps von Epp and, finally,
the National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP). In a 1976 study, Professor
Gary D. Stark from Arlington, Texas, finds that J. F. Lehmann was in the unique
position to "co-ordinate the press and his personal influence within organisations
with maximal impactthat is to connect personal, publicist and groupactivities
in a manner that no other racist ideologue could" (Stark, 1976, column 314).
F. Lehmann's militaristic publications after the year 1906, such as the annually
published Taschenbuch der Kriegsflotte (Paperback on Naval Armadas), gave
him a substantial financial advantage. These warmongering works were largely bought
up by the war ministry in Munich. In 1917 Lehmann issued the political pamphlet
Deutschlands Erneuerung (Germany's Renewal), which sought to advance an
ethnic rebirth "by sweeping away everything alien to our people, everything destructive
and perfidious", and which expressed fervent opposition to "the Jewish Democratic
predominance, the peace of Versailles, pacifism and Marxism". After World War
I he advertised Im Felde unbesiegt (Unbeaten in the battle field) and Auf
See unbesiegt (Unbeaten in naval war) as practitioners' "books for the waiting
But he also made money by publishing various medical texts. Lehmann's
political and mercantile acumen contributed to the success of authors like the
psychiatrist Alfred E. Hoche; a few years later (1920 in the S. Meiner publishing
house in Leipzig) the same man co-authored (with Karl Binding) the portentous
Die Freigabe der Vernichtung lebensunwerten Lebens (The Legalization of
Destroying Unworthy Lives).
J. F. Lehmann's reactionary political views
led to two brief imprisonments: flrst during the Munich Republic. Once free he
joined the armed volunteer-corps, which took bloody revenge on the Spartacists
and their real or alleged followers. During his second arrest he was charged with
suspected sedition against the government of Kurt Eisner. Little deterred by his
mild treatment from the law, he continued his interests. On 9 November 1923, he
allowed Hitler to make use of his mansion to stage an insurrection attempt. Rudolf
Hess, the subsequent deputy to the Führer, and 40 co-conspirators, used Lehmann's
villa to abduct reigning Bavarian ministers. Hitler and Lehmann met during the
early years of the "movement", when Lehmann seemed impressed by Hitler's leadership
skills. In 1924 he published Hitler's rationale for the insurrection; in it Hitler
demands the "destruction of every last Marxist for the sake of the fatherland"
(Hitler, 1924). In 1933 the Lehmann house had the dubious privilege of publishing
the Gesetz zur Verhütung erbkranken Nachwuchses (Law for the Prevention
of Genetically Impaired Offspring) by Gütt, Rüdin and Ruttke; the Blutschutz-
und Ehegesundheitsgesetz by Gütt, Linden and Massfeller; and the Richtlinien
der Schwangerschaftsunterbrechung und Unfruchtbarmachung of the German Medical
Association, which was distributed to all practitioners in Germany.
Lehmann and eugenics
Next to medical and militaristic/nationalistic works,
eugenic literature formed the third main track of this publisher. In 1909, J.
F. Lehmann published his first racist book, entitled Deutsche Rassepolitik
und die Erziehung zu nationalem Ehrgefühl
, by Eberhard Meinhold, a retired
major, who advanced "farsighted proposals particularly relevant to our eastern
politics". Under the leadership of the Swiss psychiatrist Ernst Rüdin, taught
by Bleuler and Kraepelin, and Max von Gruber, a physician and proponent of the
"breeding race", a eugenic section was instituted at the International Hygiene
Exhibition of 1911 in Dresden. The catalogue bore the title: Fortpflanzung,
, and appeared in the J. F. Lehmann's publishing house,
where it served as the foundation of its eugenic department. Rüdin as well
as Ernst Bleuler were students of August Forel, a Swiss entomologist and Bleuler's
predecessor in directing the famous Burghölzli madhouse in Zurich. Forel
had achieved recognition among his colleagues by conducting the first sterilisation
on psychiatric grounds in 1892 in his "clinic" (P. Lehmann, 1993, p. 30). On top
of that, Forel was fond of pointing out that several leaders of the Paris Commune
of 1871 ended up in Swiss mental institutions (Stelzner, 1919, p. 395).
interests of the men that appeared in the course of the years as friends, authors,
supporters and co-militants of J. F. Lehmann, coincided with the spectrum of early
social psychiatry. In 1935, his widow Melanie Lehmann remembers in her biography
of her husband that in the years 1908 to 1911 he spent some time in the Swiss
spa Davos, where he
"read and thought much about eugenics. Already
then it was considered to require each marrying couple to obtain
a health certificate in order to prevent the procreation of the
physically or mentally ill. This movement which brought him together
with Gruber, Kraepelin, Rüdin and Ploetz, and later on with
Fritz Lenz, Baur and Fischer, soon aroused his lively interest"
(M. Lehmann, 1935, p. 36).
In 1914, Gruber's young associate, Fritz Lenz, joined up with Lehmann
to write a number of essays on eugenics and population control for
(Germany's Renewal) and other journals
published by them. In 1921, J. F. Lehmann issued a textbook prompted
by Erwin Baur, the subsequent head of the Kaiser-Wilhelm-Institute
for Research on Breeding, with contributions by the anthropologist
Fischer and the eugenicist Lenz, which became the "standard work
on German race research and eugenics" (Lenz, 1921). Bleuler was
partly responsible for this success, since he qualified himself
as a reliable co-militant by declaring opponents of World War I
as "irresponsible agitators" and retaining them at Burghölzli.
According to his assistant Johann Benedikt Jörger, these individuals
were encouraged by the success of the 1917 Russian Revolution and
became "insane apostles of peace and war resisters" by virtue of
a "minor interlude of nature" (Jörger, 1918). And in 1931,
Bleuler praised Lenz's book, Menschliche Erblichkeitslehre
(Lenz, 1921) in a review:
"The practical suggestions of the author regarding
this difficult subject consider humans as they are: their implementation
is not impossiblethey merely presuppose that the appreciation
of the significance of eugenics will become much more widespread,
towards which the book will surely contribute" (Bleuler,
had already supported Lenz's eugenic favour in a 1923 issue of the same magazine,
warning about a "vulgarization of the race", as he praised the second edition
of Lenz's Menschliche Auslese und Rassenhygiene
in the following fashion:
"Lenz visits all the dangers that threaten cultured
people with a clear and audacious eye, not to seek despair, but
to realise that one has to fight for this matter of utmost value,
and to search for the method by which the catastrophe can be averted
in the last hour. And he knows the methods, actual methods, that
can be realised, in spite of the sad dearth of racial pride in
central Europe" (Bleuler, 1923, p. 1489).
was further supported in his eugenic effusions by people Iike
Rüdin, Hoche, Muckermann, Ploetz and Bleuler. In 1922, J.
F. Lehmann took over the Archiv für Rassen und Gesellschaftsbiologie
founded in 1904 by the fanatic racist Alfred Ploetz as the sounding
board of the German Society for Eugenics. Lehmann's former associate
and son-in-law Otto Spatz, stated in 1940 (in the 50th anniversary
issue), five years after Lehmann's death, that Ploetz had many
friends. Gruber, Kraepelin, Rüdin, Fischer, Baur, Lenz, Hitler's
future Secretary of the Interior, Arthur Gütt, and of course,
J. F. Lehmann himself, belonged to this illustrious group (J.
F. Lehmanns Verlag, 1940, p. 70). The magazine Volk und Rasse
(People and Race) appeared at Lehmann's for the first time in
1926; before long Darré, the future Nazi Minister of Agriculture,
Gütt, Himmler and other luminaries joined the editorial board.
Kraepelin, dictatorship and social psychiatry
In order to "reduce (the incidence of) madness", Gruber's collaborator
Kraepelin began to recommend ruthless intervention in people's lives
through dictatorship as early as 1918. In November 1920, he lectured
to the Department of Genealogy and Demographics at the Psychiatric
Research Institute in Munich, demanding a broadening of psychiatric
practice in the following manner: to intervene against all possible
forms of moral decay, against the lack of a clear and uniform direction
in feeling, thinking and action and against "Internationalism" (Marxism).
He termed this thrust "social psychiatry", a means of internal colonization.
The necessity to develop a social psychiatry in Germany became apparent
to psychiatrists in the wake of World War I: "mentally ill" soldiers
(those with anti-war sentiments and lack of discipline) were deemed
responsible for the military defeat and the "pauper's peace" of
Versailles; "mentally ill" politicians like Erich Mühsam and
Ernst Toller were frequently identified with the "debased" Jewish
people and its "decadent forces of internationalism". According
to these diagnosticians, they provided dear examples that foreboded
an "epidemic" spread of such "mental illnesses" through the November
Revolution and the Munich Republic of 1918-19 (P. Lehmann, 1993,
pp. 25-37). In 1919, Kraepelin's colleague Eugen Kahn raised the
question how macro- and micro-political power relations might be
protected from the influence of the "mentally ill". Kahn, who, incidentally,
was charged with examining these obviously "uninsightful" revolutionary
leaders, formulated this in Lehmann's MMW
"Before addressing this question we must admit
that psychiatry has so far had practically no success in treating
psychopathic tendencies therapeutically. We can imagine that early
intervention of a pedagogic kind in specialized institutions might
lead to a certain degree of rehabilitation among psychopaths,
might stimulate the kind of social skills that can suppress their
antisocial traits. Such institutions are therefore an absolute
necessity" (Kahn, 1919, p. 969).
This meant stimulating
a preventative psychiatry which influences "mentally ill traits ... therapeutically"
as much as possible, and prevents, in as much as such influence falls due to the
severity of these "illnesses", their spread and the expression of "diseased traits"
The various social psychiatric undertakings were soon
noticed by the major German industries. For instance, Krupp von Bohlen und Halbach,
following Kraepelin's suggestions, provided financial support for Rüdin's
Research Institute (Labisch & Tennstedt, 1985, p. 169). Fritz Thyssen, another
magnate who became interested In this field, followed Lenz's footsteps by becoming
a member of the "Expert Commission on Population and Ethnic Politics" after 1933.
Ploetz, Rüdin and Himmler were some of the other psychiatrically and eugenically
steeped "expert" members of this group.
One of the eugenic measures, proposed
by Lenz in 1921, was to focus on the "Jewish race", who he felt were biologically
predetermined as "born actors, born orators and demagogues" that needed to be
eliminated. Another measure, endorsed by Lenz and Lehmann to maintain a healthy
"race", was the effort to seal Germany from all migrants of Eastern origin and
to simultaneously spread the influence of "Germanic culture" eastward. In Lehmann's
publication, Osteuropäische Zukunft (East European Future), which
first appeared in 1916, he showed enthusiastic support for the "Nordic race",
which included the German people, by expressing concern that unless appropriate
measures were taken, it would be replaced by the "Turanic race", i.e., people
from northern and central Asia. According to him such people, "live carelessly
into the day and procreate themselves without concern. The Turanic race will control
the fate of Europe, unless the Nordic race recognizes the danger and its perennial
mission in the eleventh hour" (Lenz, 1917, p. 22). Lenz thought that the only
realistic possibilities for the future of the Gerrnan people were in Eastern Europe
and that it would be better if a million Germans moved there every year, than
if they were not born at all. One year later in Deutschlands Erneuerung
he demanded the spread of German agricultural settlements towards the east, as
"one of the most pressing survival issues for the German people".
comrade, Bleuler, died in July 1939, shortly preceding the second wave of the
"Nordic race" moving eastward, and before the industrial gassing of millions,
first field-tested by psychiatrists on inmates (Lapon, 1986). Rüdin, the
Chairman of the German Society of Neurologists and Psychiatrists, and his colleague
Hans Roemer, praised Bleuler in the Allgemeine Zeitschrift für Psychiatrie
und ihre Grenzgebiete (Journal of General Psychiatry and its Borderlands)
for coining the term "schizophrenia", for his role in the "active and fruitful"
exchange between German and Swiss psychiatry, and for his research accomplishments
(Rüdin & Roemer, 1940).
Modern critique of social psychiatry
it is difficult to find an audience for critical remarks about social psychiatric
positions, even when addressing left-leaning groups. Even the fact that modern
social psychiatrists still practice electro-shock, a method developed by Mussolini's
associate Ugo Cerletti in fascist Italy, which causes massive and irreversible
brain damage (Breggin, 1979), does not diminish the progressive image of "critical"
psychiatrists. They note a positive impact on "psychosis" from this electric trauma
to the brain, in spite of "causing ictal damage to brain substance, even in the
broadest sense of the term, which can be demonstrated in neuro-pathological (postmortem)
studies. These must and can be accepted..." (Harlfinger & Schulte, 1967, p. 327)
statement was made by two psychiatrists in a book, which I discovered soon after
finishing the first draft of this article. It was the Almanach der Psychiatrie
und Neurologie (Almanac of Neurology and Psychiatry) published by J. F. Lehmann's
publishing house in 1967. Other leading social psychiatrists like Wulff (1986,
p. 15) and Dörner (both German) express a similar, at first seemingly critical,
but finally supportive view of this barbaric method. In an illustration of Dörner's
psychiatric writings and opinion, he recommends the uses of electro-shock for
a situation when a "therapist" is "not capable to engage in a sufficiently effective
therapeutic alliance", in order to transform "the psychically suffering temporarily
into someone suffering from an organic brain syndrome", since ultimately "the
patient almost always feels short-term relief and independence after ECT". The
electric shocks distract his attention from his "psychotic actions", in Dörner's
words: "A threat to life and limb makes psychotic anxiety superfluous" (Dörner
& Plog, 1992, pp. 545 ff.).
The minimal consequences of the psychiatric mass murders during
German fascism are demonstrated by the uninterrupted activity
of the J. F. Lehmann house beyond 1945 to this day, still used
as a medium for institutional and social psychiatrists. For example,
the same 1967 edition of the Almanac included an article
by the T4 expert Friedrich Mauz, and a discussion by the social
psychiatrist Gerhard Irle. [T4 is an abbreviation for Berlin,
Tiergartenstrasse 4, the former address of the central command
for the mass murder of psychiatric inmates.] Expounding the "ubiquitous
incidence of schizophrenia" (Irle, 1967), he utilises the absurd
findings of Lehmann's comrade Kraepelin from his studies of "native"
inmates of the madhouse at Buitenzorg in colonial Java. This is
where Kraepelin developed his theory of the uniform and worldwide
incidence of "dementia praecox", later called "schizophrenia"
(Kraepelin, 1904). In response to my own book Der
chemische Knebel (The Chemical Gag), which established
the direct connection between eugenics, social psychiatry and
fascism based on historical documents, there was profound silence
from medical historians in the domain of social psychiatry. This
is not surprising, since Dörner, chief ideologue of the German
Society for Social Psychiatry, continues to express gratitude
towards his mentor in his volume Irren ist menschlich (Erring
is Human): he refers to the former SA-man Hans Bürger, also
known as Bürger-Prinz, in appreciation for the "many practical
and theoretical experiences with human beings" (Dörner &
Plog, 1992, p. 21). This is in spite of the unadulterated biography
of Bürger by the Hamburg physician and medical historian
Karl Heinz Roth, who writes that Bürger waged a "veritable
regime of terror" against all "war neurotics" (using electro-
and insulin-shock) as well as "an aggravation of psychiatric torture
methods", resulting in "immeasurable pain for thousands of patients"
(Roth, 1984). Roth and his co-author, Götz Aly, accuse Dörner
that in his publications he not only,
"excludes the Hamburg psychiatrist Bürger-Prinz
from his co-responsibility for the mass-murders, but additionally
concedes him an oppositional attitude. Current documents show
that Bürger-Prinz from the beginning was in on the secret
of the psychiatric murders, tried to profit by them and, in the
years after the war, consciously guarded one of the main actors,
Professor Heyde (alias Sawade), working in Kiel" (Roth &
Aly, 1984, p. 117).
The fact that "social psychiatry" does not reflect a real social
concern, but rather a psychiatric treatment of social probiem-"cases",
becomes clear from Dörner's response to reports about so-called
"killings of patients" in the madhouse at Gütersloh (Bundesland
Rheinland-Westfalen), where he is director. Between 5 May and 14
December 1990, the waiter Wolfgang Lange apparently killed ten men,
utilizing their guilelessness and defencelessness, as the magazine
reports (Friedrichsen, 1992, p. 89). By 25 March
1990, the criminal investigation police were in Dörner's madhouse,
because the corpse of Horst Dieter Stajenda (one of the dead) had
been discovered to have a wound on the back of the head.
"Its origin could be explained, but not the injection-injury
in the elbow. But nobody felt it his duty to trace the affair.
Stajenda died of a 'natural' death... At this time, March 1990,
Lange was already being called 'death's angel' or 'executioner'
by his colleagues, because during his periods of service a conspicuous
number of patients died" (Friedrichsen, 1992, pp. 92-93).
On 22 September
of the same yearSpiegel againthe inmate Wolfgang Förster,
suffering from insufficient breathing, was transferred from the inner ward, where
only Lange was working, to the intensive medical care ward (and survives). Suspicious
nurses "find, in a paper basket, four empty ampoules of 'Neurocil' (the neuroleptic
levomepromazine, P.L.), enough for the whole ward for one year, that had not been
administrated and that properly could be injected only by Lange." (Friedrichsen,
1992, p. 93)
It took days for these nurses to voice their suspicions to
the directors of the madhouse, "but on 17 October 1990 the directors of the institution
decide to break off the investigation. The criminal investigation police and Landschaftsverband
(the trust which runs the madhouse, P.L.) have not been informed. The staff, partly
shaken, is notified, there is a 'Zeroresult"'. One year later, the Spiegel-reporter
and observer of the law-suit against Lange, writes that after that massive suspicion
that had fallen on the psychiatric worker, "the police were not called, but 'informally',
face to face, they talked round the case, it was dropped flat as a 'zero-result'.
Finally a week of continuation-education is due, and trouble is not wanted" (Friedrichsen,
1993, p. 75). Dörner, is cited by Friedrichsen (1993) as saying, "I had the
impression that I come up best in my duty to control when I leave the most possible
autonomy for the wards". Elsewhere Dörner avowed that early pointers were
"destroyed in the course of administrative actions" (Soziale Psychiatrie, 1991,
p. 13). "There was no reason to pay attention to special events", was said on
9 January 1991, only three months after the nurses had informed the directors
of the madhouse about their serious suspicions (cited by Friedrichsen, 1992, p.
92). Even after the repeated killings were publicly acknowledged in the madhouse,
he delayed police involvement until the end of his weekend duty the following
Monday morning, since he first "wanted to sleep on it" (Trunk, 1991, p. 132).
Kerstin Kempker's view about this nonchalant attitude was that "it didn't seem
to disturb Dörner's sleep that more patients were exposed to this deadly
danger throughout this time" (Kempker, 1991, p. 37).
In his book Der
neue Genozid an den Benachteiligten, Alten und Behinderten (The New Genocide
of Handicapped and Afflicted People), the social scientist Wolf Wolfensberger
describes multiple instances of direct and indirect "deathmaking" by perpetrators,
who do not seem to believe that they are killing human beings by using methods
that seem more effective and encompassing than the ones used by the Nazis, in
particular, psychotropic drugs that weaken vital functions. When death occurs
as the final step of this "innocent" chain of events, its cause is quite commonly
deemed as "unexplainable". Not meaning so-called overdoses, but doses for therapeutical
reasons, Wolfensberger writes: "It is flabbergasting, to what extent people can
be killed every day, without anyone even thinking that this actually is killing"
(Wolfensberger, 1991, p. 63).
In his review of Der
chemische Knebel (The Chemical Gag), Gerald Schmidt of
the Swiss psychiatric foundation, Pro Mente Sana, was irritated
by the description of Hitler as a "social psychiatric ideologue".
He was also bothered by the depiction of Hitler next to Kraepelin
and Bleuler. In Schmidt's (1987) words: "I consider this a frightening
As the author of this article I am frightened by
the fact that since the crimes of fascism, including those perpetrated
by psychiatrists, we are only now beginning to address the roots
of these tendencies, in particular their eugenic/social psychiatric
origins. Not until the dangers of social psychiatry become apparent
to all, until we succeed to expose the contributions of the Forel-Bleuler-Goebbels-Himmler-Hitler-Hoche-Kraepelin-Krupp-J.F.Lehmann-Plötz-Rüdin-Thyssen-crew,
can we develop an appropriate political response to modern social
psychiatry. It has not lost much of its inherent dangerousness,
considering the impact of computerised tracking systems, long-acting
psychotropic drugs that are implanted in the bodies of persons
"in need of treatment" and the search for prophylactic genetic
interventions, and the largely lawless environment of psychiatry.
Even the question of eliminating "unworthy" lives has become more
relevant than ever, given the advance in genetic research and
technologies, including early examinations of foetal tissues (Rufer,
1993). Furthermore, we note the advance of prophylactic uses of
neuroleptics by social psychiatrists of all denominations, in
preparation for comprehensive community psychiatric services.
During a 1991 WHO conference in Amsterdam, entitled "Changing
Mental Health Care in the Cities of Europe", survivors of psychiatric
interventions from various countries uniformly complained about
their continually worsening situation. They noted increased exploitation
by pharmaceutical corporations, job-seeking psychiatrists, physicians,
social scientists, rehabilitation workshops, etc. By virtue of
the expansion of social psychiatric services into "contact or
catchment areas", fewer and fewer opportunities appear for victims
of psychiatry to escape the revolving doors of psychiatry (Wehde,
1991, p. 13).
In the context of his experience
as a dispenser of neuroleptics, the Harvard psychiatrist Gerald L. Klerman gives
credit to Kraepelin's trailblazing work with regard to modern psychiatry: "American,
British and Canadian psychiatry today is in the midst of a Kraepelinian revival,
that is becoming the dominant force among research and academic leaders" (Klerman,
1982). The same holds true for Europe. Eugen Kahn, the abovementioned co-conspirator
of Kraepelin's against the Munich Republic, gave an even better assessment of
the direction modern psychiatry was taking. In October 1956, when Kahn was working
in the Psychiatric Department of Baylor University in Houston, Texas, he remembered
Kraepelin on the thirtieth anniversary of his death in the American Journal
"Emil Kraepelin died 30 years ago. The influence
of his work in psychiatry continues; it may be greater than we
are aware of, particularly in view of the recent efforts biologically
and physiologically to get closer to the solution of many of our
problems" (Kahn, 1956, p. 289).
classification scheme for non-standardised behaviour and feelings, and his advance
of "social" psychiatry contributed to opinions, which help to orient those working
in modern psychiatry. Kraepelin and "Schizophrenia"-Bleuler, both members of J.
F. Lehmann's entourage, have concocted a system of psychiatric teachings and practice,
which is recognised internationally by psychiatrists, and which still causes great
pain among victims of psychiatry.
It appears that J. F. Lehmann's publishing
house no longer exists. According to J. F. Lehmann's Medical Booksellers Co.,
it was bought by Springer Verlag (Heidelberg-Berlin-New-York-Tokyo), a house which
is responsible for the widespread dissemination of psychiatric ideas. The Münchener
Medizinische Wochenschrift (MMW) is publishing now as before, and to teach
general practitioners intensified social psychiatric-biological contents, the
MMW founded a paperback series in 1985, in which the single MMV special-issues
"Psychiatrie für die Praxis" (Psychiatry for the Practice) are collected
(Helmchen & Hippius, 1985, p. 11).
The editors of the first volumes of this series are Hanns Hippius
and Hanfried Helmchen, two influential psychiatrists and prominent
teachers. Helmchen was trained (after 1945) by Felix von Mikulicz-Radecki,
an exposed mass-steriliser under Hitler, and his colleague Hippius
has had a similarly exposed trainer (after 1945), Helmut Selbach
who under the national socialists' dictatorship was assistant
medical director under Max de Crinis, the organiser of the T4-mass
murder. Selbach and Hippius have been chiefs of Berlin University's
psychiatric institute (Eschenallee). Helmchen is its current leader.
Many of the texts which I had to read for this article are in
the library of this psychiatric institution and for decades have
been used as educational aids for the rising generation of psychiatrists.
A current calendar of the Lehmann's Medical Booksellers is decorating
The fact that social-psychiatric doctrines
could be passed on undisturbed after Germany's liberation from fascism is certainly
the decisive cause of the current dangerous period of psychiatry's resurgence.
As Peter Breggin says, the development is similar to that before the war:
"For example, we are having a renewal of electroshock
throughout the world. We have developed drugs far more poisonous
than the drugs used before the war. We now know that the neuroleptic
drugs produce permanent brain damage in up to 50 per cent of Iong-term
patients. This damage is called tardive dyskinesia, and it occurs
in up to 20 per cent of people who had the drugs for six months
to two years. Other patients develop tardive dystonia with painful
muscle spasms, and others develop tardive akathisia with anxiety
and a severe compulsion to move about. In my book on psychiatric
drugs I also first elaborated the idea that we also have tardive
dementia. This involves the loss of all mental processes to one
degree or another. Other patients develop a permanent psychosis
called tardive psychosis. There is no treatment for any of this.
In addition we are again hearing genetic theories such as eventually
led to sterilization laws. And concern about the cost of chronically
ill people is raising the issue of euthanasia or the murder of
such people. I have heard that in Germany there is the discussion
of resurrecting the sterilization and euthanasia laws. And also
that in Holland lobotomy is trying to make a come-back. The modern
psychiatry is no different from pre-war psychiatry that led to
the Holocaust" (Breggin, 1993a, p. 396).
Bergmann, Anna (1988). Die rationalisierten Triebe. Rassenhygiene.
Eugenik und Geburtenkontrolle im deutschen Kaiserreich. Dissertation
at the Free University in Berlin.
Bleuler, Eugen (1923). Review. Münchener Medizinische
Wochenschrift, 70 (50), 1488-1489.
Bleuler, Eugen (1931). Review. Münchener Medizinische
Wochenschrift, 78 (20), 847.
Bleuler, Eugen (1936): Die naturwissenschaftlichen Grundlagen
der Ethik. Schweizer Archiv für Neurologie und Psychiatrie,
Vol. 38 (2), 177-206.
Breggin, Peter (1974). The killing of the patients. In: Sherry
Hirsch et al. (eds.) Madness Network News Reader, pp.
149-154. San Francisco: Glide Publications.
Breggin, Peter (1979). Electro-shock. Its Brain-disabling
Effects. New York: Springer Publishing Co.
Peter (1993a). Persönliche Beweggründe für
antipsychiatrisches Handeln. In: Kerstin
Kempker & Peter Lehmann (eds.) Statt Psychiatrie,
pp. 394-397. Berlin: Peter Lehmann Antipsychiatrieverlag.
Breggin, Peter (1993b). Psychiatry's role in the holocaust.
International Journal of Risk and Safety in Medicine,
Dörner, Klaus / Plog, Ursula (1992). Irren ist menschlichLehrbuch
der Psychiatrie/Psychotherapie (7th edn). Bonn: Psychiatrieverlag.
Friedrichsen, Gisela (1992). Patientin bereits verstorben.
Spiegel, 46 (44), 87-98.
Friedrichsen, Gisela (1993). Die Toten von Herrn Lange. Spiegel,
47 (30), 72-75.
Harlfinger, Hanspeter / Schulte, Walter (1967). Physikalische
Therapie in der Psychiatrie. In: Walther Birkmeyer et al.
Almanach für Neurologie und Psychiatrie, pp. 323-337.
Munich: J. F. Lehmanns.
Helmchen, Hanfried / Hippius, Hanns (1985). Preface. In:
Hanfried Helmchen & Hanns Hippius (eds.) Psychiatrie
für die Praxis. MMV Taschenbuch 1, pp. 9-11. Munich:
MMV Medizin Verlag.
Hitler, Adolf (1924). Warum musste ein 8. November kommen?
Deutschlands Erneuerung, 8 (4), 199-207.
Irle, Gerhard (196). Soziale Psychiatrie: Der Einfluss sozialer
Faktoren auf Psychosen. In: Walther Birkmeyer et al. Almanach
für Neurologie und Psychiatrie, pp. 339-357. Munich:
J. F. Lehmanns.
J. F. Lehmanns Verlag (1940). 50 Jahre J. F. Lehmanns Verlag
1890-1940. Zur Erinnerung an das fünfzigjährige
Bestehen am 1. September 1940. Munich/Berlin: J. F. Lehmanns.
Jörger, Johann Benedikt (1918). Über Dienstverweigerer
und Friedensapostel. Zeitschrift für die gesamte Neurologie
und Psychiatrie, 43, 117-133.
Kahn, Eugen (1919). Psychopathie und Revolution. Münchener
Medizinische Wochenschrift, 66 (34), 968-969.
Kahn, Eugen (1956). Emil Kraepelin, Februar 15th, 1856October
7th, 1926-Februar 15th, 1956. American Journal of Psychiatry,
113 (4), 289-294.
Kerstin (1991). Teure VerständnislosigkeitDie Sprache
der Verrücktheit und die Entgegnung der Psychiatrie.
Berlin: Peter Lehmann Antipsychiatrieverlag.
Klerman, Gerald (1982). Defining schizophrenia. In: Management
of SchizophreniaA Symposium. Toronto, Canada / May 1982,
pp. 3-12. New York: TransMedica, Inc.
Kraepelin, Emil (1904). Vergleichende Psychiatrie. Centralblatt
für Nervenheilkunde und Psychiatrie, 217 (JuIy),
Labisch, Alfons / Tennstedt, Florian (1985). Der Weg zum
"Gesetz über die Vereinheitlichung des Gesundheitswesens".
Düsseldorf: Schriftenreihe der Akademie für öffentliches
Lapon, Lenny (1986). Mass Murderers in White Coats. Psychiatric
Genocide in Nazi Germany and the United States. Springfield:
Psychiatric Genocide Research Institute.
Lehmann, Melanie (ed.) (1935). Der Verleger J. F. LehmannEin
Leben im Kampf für Deutschland. Lebenslauf und Briefe.
Munich: J. F. Lehmanns.
Peter (2015). Der chemische KnebelWarum Psychiater Neuroleptika
verabreichen (7th edn). Berlin: Peter Lehmann Antipsychiatrieverlag.
Lenz, Fritz (1917). Die nordische Rasse in der Blutmischung
unserer östlichen Nachbarn. Osteuropäische Zukunft,
2 (2), 22.
Lenz, Fritz (1921). Menschliche Erblichkeitslehre. Munich:
J. F. Lehmanns.
Roth, Karl Heinz (1984). Grosshungern und gehorchen. Der
Aufstieg des Psychiaters Hans Bürger-Prinz. In: Angelika
Ebbinghaus, Heidrun Kaupen-Haas, Karl Heinz Roth (eds.) Heilen
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Gesundheitspolitik im Dritten Reich, pp. 130-135. Hamburg:
Roth, Karl Heinz / Aly, Götz (eds.) (1984). Das "Gesetz
über die Sterbehilfe bei unheilbar Kranken". Protokolle
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Erfassung zur Vernichtung. Von der Sozialhygiene zum "Gesetz
über die Sterbehilfe", pp. 101-179. Berlin:
Rüdin, Ernst / Roemer, Hans (1940). Eugen Bleuler tot.
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